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Table of Contents

1.      Introductory remarks
2.      
Executive Summary     
3.      
Peru: Statistical Country Profile     
4.      
The European Observation Mission (EOM)      
5.      
The Political Framework    
6.      
The Legal Framework of Peruvian Elections     

   i)           The Constitutional and Legislative Framework
   ii)          Electoral rights and discriminations
   iii)        The Structure of the Electoral Administration
   iv)         Procedural provisions for the elections
   v)          Media Laws and Regulations

7.       The Pre-Election Phases    
   i)           Performance and co-ordination of the Electoral Agencies
   ii)          Registration of Parties and Candidates
   iii)        Voter and Civic Education
   iv)         Media and the Elections
   v)          The Election Campaign
   vi)         The electoral observation by the European Union Mission
   vii)       Domestic Observation of the Electoral Process

8.       The Events of the Election Days
   i)           General impressions
   ii)          Polling organisation and closing procedures
   iii)        Vote Tally and Tabulation
   iv)         Summary of observations by EU teams on election days

9.       Election results and the Post-Electoral phases
   i)           Contestations and Appeals
   ii)          The General Elections of 8 April and 3 June: Results

10.   Conclusions and Recommendations 
11.   Annexes     

10. Conclusions and Recommendations

The general elections of 2001 have been conducted in a democratic context fully in accordance with international standards. There are, however, factors, which have had limiting effects upon full electoral participation, and during the electoral observation by the EU mission, some conclusions were reached which lend themselves to suggestions as to how the election system might be perfected. The democratic restoration that is taking place in Peru would profit from being supplemented in at least two major fields, namely a legal refinement of the electoral system and a statute for political parties (ley de partidos).

The legal framework of the election administration

·         In order to overcome certain problems inherent in the current “tricephalia”, a renewed or amended constitutional framework should reconsider the relationship between the three electoral organisms introduced in the constitution of 1993. It seems advisable to re-institute JNE in the position of pre-eminent autonomy it held before 1993.

·         The legal provision of the three electoral agencies receiving part of their revenue by “recursos proprios” from electoral fines appears as questionable. Arrangements should be made for the three entities to be fully part of the national budget, and for revenue from electoral fines to be assigned directly to the national treasury.

·         The existing stringent and limiting requirements for the registration of party candidates for congress should be re-considered, in the sense of opening the system to wider participation. This ought to include a more extensive admission of candidates’ presentations in native languages.

Election procedures

·         The parliamentary vote procedure, with its system of preferences, has proved to be overly complicated. It was significant that in the congressional of poll there were 1,29 mio. spoilt/void ballots, plus a high number of blank votes, while the presidential poll produced only 396.000 such “lost votes”. The return to a simpler balloting system would make it easier for large segments of the population, especially in rural areas, to effectively exercise their right to political participation.

·         In the absence of such major amendments, it should at least be considered, for future elections, to abandon the design of a unitary ballot sheet, in order to avoid the delays in the counting process which have affected the pronouncement of official results for the presidential vote. This would also re-open the possibility of providing temporary/mobile polling stations (for “transeuntes”).

·         Legal provisions exist for temporary residents’ polling stations (mesas de transeuntes), but these have not been set up for the general elections in April and June 2001. This has had the effect of excluding a considerable part of Peru’s significant number of migrants from voting, or subjecting them to prohibitive expenditures or fines. It is therefore strongly recommended to grant temporary residents their voting rights and reduce the arbitrarily long time limit for applications for the respective permits (currently 90 days prior to the election date) to a time frame more in accordance with the technical administrative conditions granted by computer-age developments.

·         Current provisions limiting the capacity assigned to each polling board (mesa) of 200, max. 300 voters seems inadequate. More flexibility is advisable, since polling boards in highly urbanised areas could easily accommodate up to 700 voters each, while smaller-sized arrangements could continue to be applicable to outlying regions. Under the present set-up, the 92.000 mesas country-wide have required the recruitment of a mesa-staff of roughly 550.000 persons, with the ensuing difficulties to find enough people able and willing to take over these functions.

Two complementary measures might alleviate the situation: A concentration of urban area polling boards could reduce the number of qualified mesa-staff required; and offering higher per diem allowances for polling board staff, matched by reducing or relinquishing the fines in case of default (currently ca. US-$ 35) might then provide incentives for prospective mesa-staff members to feel more deeply identified with the civic obligation of serving on polling boards.

·         According to current regulations, at each polling board ballot sheets are destroyed immediately after the tally. A subsequent audit or re-examination, especially in cases of challenges and litigation, is not possible under such conditions. Internationally accepted practice is that such records are usually kept for a period of 6 months or more. It is suggested that the Peruvian system provide for the ballot packages to be stored for some time, so that a recount can be made in cases of serious challenges.

Functions and obligations of political parties and their representatives

·         A future statute for political parties ought to include regulations covering the accounting for party finance and campaign expenses, providing for the necessary sanctions in cases of non-compliance.

·         A more comprehensive regulation is needed for financing electoral propaganda expenses. Alternatives would be: An extension of the “franja electoral” subsidy system (at present covering only TV and radio channels) to the printed press; or: Preference for a “deuda electoral”-system of credit payments to all parties, subject to review of their poll results (similar to the Costa Rican model).

·         Equally open to more stringent regulation is the field of indirect “vote buying” by party candidates – particularly in the campaign for the congressional election – canvassing for votes by distributing meal tickets or food supplies etc. to entire village populations. Under present rules, only the use of public funds for such ventures is forbidden and sanctioned, while the use of private riches for such purposes is considered permissible.

·         The function of party representatives (personeros) during the electoral process  will have to be reviewed and re-defined, in order to preclude any undue political influence. Their role ought to be defined as “party observers” (instead of “fiscales”), so as to make it impossible for them to participate directly in mesa activities and be informally co-opted as staff members.

In Peru, during the last weeks of the electoral campaign for the run-off poll, a renewed debate on electoral and constitutional reform had begun in political and academic circles. This is a matter that normally should be considered as beyond the responsibility and calling of international observers. However, since the discussion has been opened on the issue of the traditional prohibition for active police and armed forces personnel to participate in elections, the EU Core Team feels called upon to make a final comment.

The role of the Peruvian forces of public order and defence is obviously in a process of becoming a more and more integral part of the democratic society. As this transformation proceeds, normalisation in civic-military relations could only positively be affected by a revision of the entrenched principle of non-participation. An amendment in this sense is therefore strongly commended.

The EU mission team are confident that the international community, and the European Union, will continue to show an active interest in this encouraging development and will continue to provide their support.